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23  WEST  MM  I     rREET 

WEBSTER,  NY.  14580 

(716)  872-4503 


CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHM/CIVIH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  Microreproductions  /  Institut  Canadian  de  microreproductions  historiques 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notes/Notes  techniques  et  bibliographiques 


The  Institute  has  attempted  to  obtain  the  best 
original  copy  available  for  filming.  Features  of  this 
copy  which  may  be  bibliographically  unique, 
which  may  alter  any  of  the  images  in  the 
reproduction,  or  which  may  significantly  change 
the  usual  methor^  sf  filming,  are  checked  below. 


L'Institut  a  microfilm^  le  meilleur  exemplaire 
qu'il  lui  a  6t6  possible  de  se  procurer.  Les  details 
de  cet  exemplaire  qui  sont  peut-dtre  uniques  du 
point  de  vue  bibliograohique,  qui  peuvent  modifier 
une  image  reproduite,  ou  qui  peuvent  exiger  une 
modification  dans  la  m^thode  normale  de  filmage 
sont  indiqu^s  ci-dessous. 


D 


Coloured  covers/ 
Couverture  de  couleur 


□    Coloured  pages/ 
Pages  de  couleur 


D 
D 
D 


n 


Covers  damaged/ 
Couverture  endommagee 

Covers  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Couverture  restaurde  et/ou  pelliculde 

Cover  title  missing/ 

Le  titre  de  couverture  manque 


I      I    Coloured  maps/ 


Cartes  g6ographiques  en  couleur 

Coloured  ink  (i.e.  other  than  blue  or  black)/ 
Encre  de  couleur  (i.e.  autre  que  bleue  ou  noire) 


Coloured  plates  and/or  illustrations/ 
Planches  et/ou  illustrations  en  couleur 


□ 

D 

n 


v/ 


□    Bound  with  other  material/ 
Re\\6  avec  d'autres  documents 


D 


Pages  damaged/ 
Pages  endommag^es 

Pages  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Pages  restaurdes  et/ou  pellicul^es 

Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxed/ 
Pages  d^coior^es,  tachet6es  ou  piqu^es 

Pages  detached/ 
Pages  d^tach^es 

Showthrough/ 
Transparence 

Quality  of  print  varies/ 
Quality  inegale  de  I'impression 

Includes  supplementary  material/ 
Comprend  du  materiel  supplementaire 


V 


D 


Tight  binding  may  cause  shadows  or  distortion 
along  interior  margin/ 

La  reliure  serree  peut  causer  de  I'ombre  ou  de  la 
distortion  le  long  de  la  marge  intdrieure 

Blank  leaves  added  during  restoration  may 
appear  within  the  text.  Whenever  possible,  these 
have  been  omitted  from  filming/ 
II  se  peut  que  certaines  pages  blanches  ajoutdes 
lors  d'une  restauration  apparaissent  dans  le  texte, 
mais,  lorsque  cela  6tait  possible,  ces  pages  n'ont 
pas  dtd  film^es. 


D 
D 


Only  edition  available/ 
Seule  Edition  disponible 

Pages  wholly  or  partially  obscured  by  errata 
slips,  tissues,  etc.,  have  been  refilmed  to 
ensure  the  best  possible  image/ 
Les  pages  totalement  ou  partiellement 
obscurcies  par  un  feuillet  d'errata,  une  pelure, 
etc.,  ont  6X6  film^es  d  nouveau  de  fagon  i 
obtenir  la  meilleure  image  possible. 


D 


Additional  comments:/ 
Commentaires  suppl^mentaires: 


This  item  is  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below/ 

Ce  document  est  U\m6  au  taux  de  reduction  indiqu6  ci-dessous. 


10X 

14X 

18X 

22X 

26X 

30X 

J 

1 

16X 


20X 


24X 


28X 


32X 


Th«  copy  filmad  h«r«  hit  b««n  rtproducad  thanks 
to  tho  gonorosity  of: 

Library  Division 

Provincial  Archives  of  British  Columbia 


L'oxomplair*  filmi  fut  rcproduit  grico  A  la 
ginirositA  da: 

Library  Division 

Provincial  Archives  of  British  Columbia 


Yha  imagaa  appaaring  hara  ara  tha  bast  quality 
possibia  consldaring  tha  condition  and  lagibllity 
of  tha  original  copy  and  In  kaaping  with  tha 
filming  contract  spacifications. 


Original  copias  in  printad  papar  covars  ara  fllmad 
baglnning  with  the  ;ront  covar  and  anding  on 
tha  last  paga  with  a  printad  or  illustratad  impras- 
slon.  or  tha  back  covar  whan  appropriate.  All 
othar  original  copias  ara  filn^ad  beginning  on  tha 
first  paga  with  a  printad  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, and  ending  on  the  last  page  with  a  printed 
or  illustrated  impression. 


The  last  recorded  freme  on  each  microfiche 
shall  contain  the  symbol  -^  (meaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  the  symbol  y  (meaning  "END"), 
whichever  applies. 


Lea  images  sulvantes  ont  4tA  reprodultes  avac  le 
plus  grand  soln.  compta  tenu  de  la  condition  at 
da  le  nettet*  de  I'exemplaire  fllmA,  et  en 
conformity  avac  las  conditions  du  contrat  de 
filmage. 

Lea  exemplaires  origlnaux  dont  la  couvarture  en 
papier  est  ImprimAe  sont  filmAs  en  commen^ant 
par  la  premier  plat  et  en  terminant  soit  par  la 
darnlAre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustratlon.  solt  par  le  second 
plat,  salon  le  cas.  Tous  las  autres  axempielres 
origlnaux  sont  filmAs  en  commenpant  par  la 
premiere  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration  et  en  terminant  par 
la  darniire  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 

Un  des  symboles  suivants  apparaitra  sur  la 
dernidre  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  ie 
cas:  le  symbols  — »>  signifie  "A  SUIVRE",  le 
symbols  V  signifie  "FIN". 


Maps,  plates,  charts,  etc.,  mey  be  filmed  at 
different  reduction  ratios.  Those  too  large  to  be 
entirely  included  in  one  exposure  are  filmed 
beginning  in  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  end  top  to  bottom,  as  msny  frames  as 
required.  The  following  diagrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


Les  cartes,  plenches,  tableaux,  etc.,  peuvent  Atre 
fiim6s  A  des  taux  de  reduction  diff^rents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  Atre 
reproduit  en  un  seul  cliche,  il  est  filmA  A  partir 
de  i'angle  supArieur  gauche,  de  gauche  k  droite, 
et  de  haut  en  bas.  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'images  nicessaire.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
iilustrent  la  m6thode. 


I  2  3 


1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

I  se 


I  :'■' 


MI 


■DcUve 


SPEECH 


OF 


I 


MR.  COLUMBUS  DELANO,  OF  OHIO, 


ON   THE 


OREGON  QUESTION. 


.Delivered  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  February  5,  1846. 


WASHINGTON: 

PRINTED  BY  J.  AND  G.  S.  GIDEON. 
1846.        , 


\ 


yn  -' 


^  The  Com 

tion  reportec 
Britain  to  at 
August  6th, 
Stony  mour 

Mr.  Dl 

inittcc  as 

i  Mr.  C; 
of  saying 
am  I  vain 
•wish  to  sf 
members. 
It  will  a(} 
ought.  ] 
tion. 

5  It  is  pn 
subject,  I 
confident 
it  is  my  p 
this  separi 
the  reasoi 
it  for  then 
that  is  wil 
I  What, 
we  give  C 
of  twelve 
venlion  o 
west  of  tb 
and  navig 
•tions,  witl 

It  will 
orations,  i 
liot  seclioi 
centre  to  i 
these  viev 
in  my  pci 
my  vote. 

I  aiYi  0 
subject  hi 
to  these, 1 
whether  t 
■  First ,  t 
"Oregon  C( 
giving,  or 
upon  our 
«idered  ar 


SPEECH 


'  The  Committee  of  thf  Wliole  on  the  state  of  the  Union  huvin^j  under  consideration  a  resolu- 
tion reported  by  tlie  Committee  on  Foreign  AtFuirs,  entitled  "  A  resolution  of  tiotiee  to  Great 
Britain  to  annul  and  abrogate  the  convention  between  Great  Britiiin  and  the  United  Stated  of 
August  6tli,  1827,  relative  to  the  country  on  the  northwest  coast  of  America,  westward  of  the 
Stony  mountains,  commonly  called  Oregon" — 

Mr.  DPiLANO,  of  Ohio,  having  obtained  (he  floor,  addressed  the  com- 
mittee as  follows: 

i  Mr.  Chairman:  I  have  not  sought,  nor  obtained,  the  floor  widi  the  hope 
of  saying  any  thing  new  upon  the  subject  now  before  the  committee;  nor 
am  I  vain  enough  to  believe  that  it  will  be  in  my  power  to  express  wliat  I 
wish  to  say,  in  such  a  manner  as  to  deserve  or  obtain  the  attention  of  its 
members.  I  Fiave,  therefore,  no  objections  to  make  against  tlie  hour  rule. 
It  will  allbrd  me  time  to  say  more  than  I  desire,  and  probably  more  than  I 
ought.  I  consider  it  a  labor-saving,  as  it  certainly  is  a  ^i/zic-saving,  inven- 
tion. 

i  It  is  probable,  sir,  that  in  the  vote  wliich  I  shall  shortly  give  upon  this 
subject,  I  may  difler  with  many  persons,  in  whose  judgment  I  have  great 
confidence,  for  whose  opinions  I  entertain  a  deep  respect,  and  with  whom 
it  is  my  pride  and  pleasure,  generally,  to  act.  I  cannot  consent  to  make 
this  separation,  be  it  right  or  wrong,  without  briefly  giving  my  constituents 
the  reasons  which  induce  it.  This  being  done,  I  shall  be  satisfied  to  leave 
it  for  them  to  decide  whether  I  have,  or  not,  a  good  reason  for  ''the  hope 
that  is  within  me." 

i  What,  Mr.  Chairman,  is  the  precise  question  before  us?  It  is  this:  Shall 
we  give  Great  Britain  notice  of  our  intention  to  terminate,  (at  the  expiration 
of  twelve  months  after  such  notice  has  been  given,)  the  3d  article  of  the  con 
vention  of  1818,  which  was  renewed  in  1827,  and  by  which  the  country 
west  of  the  Stony  mountains,  called  Oregon,  with  its  harbours,  bays,  creeks, 
and  navigable  rivers,  was  declared  free  and  open  to  the  subjects  of  both  na- 
'tions,  without  prejudice  to  the  rights  of  either. 

It  will  be  seen  at  a  glance,  that  this  question  rises  above  all  party  consid- 
erations, as  it  does  above  all  local  and  individual  interests.  It  is  national — 
liot  sectional.  This  Union ,  from  east  to  west,  from  north  to  south,  from 
«jentre  to  circumference,  is  every  whcs  interested  in  its  decision.  With 
these  views  in  regard  to  it,  I  have  given  the  question  the  best  examination 
in  my  power,  and  by  the  results  of  this  examination  I  shall  be  governed  in 
my  vote. 

I  am  of  opinion,  sir,  that  many  foreign  considerations  not  germain  to  the 
subject  have  been  introduced  into  this  debate.  I  will  not  pause  here  to  refer 
to  these,  but  will  st^ite  at  once  what  I  consider  the  true  criteria  for  deciding 
whether  this  notice  had  better  be  given,  or  omitted. 

First,  Uien,  as  it  appears  to  me,  the  nature  and  validity  of  our  title  to  the 
"Oregon  coimtry  should  influence  our  action;  and,  secondly,  the  effects  of 
giving,  or  fading  to  give  the  notice,  as  well  upon  the  country,  generally,  as 
upon  our  rights  to  the  territory  in  controversy,  ought  carefully  to  be  con- 
sidered and  estimated. 


'i ''  *i  .• 


4 

^rhe  latter  coiL-iitleration,  I  coiipider  full  of  importance.  The  welfare, 
prospt'rily,  peace  of  the  country,  are  involved  in  it,  or  1  am  greatly  in  error. 
To  it  1  !«hall  principally  direct  my  observations. 

It  io  by  no  moans  my  purpose,  in  reference  to  the  title,  to  detain  the  com- 
mittee by  a  minute  or  full  examination  of  the  subject.  It  has  been  exhaust- 
ed already,  in  the  hands  of  gentlemen  far  more  competent  to  analyse  it  than 
myself.  I  mention  it  for  the  sake  of  order  in  my  remarks,  and  because  1 
desire  brielly  to  refer  to  it,  for  the  purpose  of  stating  the  conclusiorjs  which 
niv  mind  has  arrived  at ,  in  regard  to  the  nature  and  extent  of  our  title,  rather 
than  for  the  jiurpose  of  spreading  out  all  the  reasons  which  have  produced 
these  conclusions. 

1  entertain  the  opinion,  then,  Mr.  Chaiiman,  that  l)y  discovery,  explora- 
tion, and  settlement,  (without  adverting  to  the  Spanish  purchase.)  my  coun- 
try has  acquired  an  indisputahle ,  and  ought  to  enjoy  an  undispiUed  title  to 
Oregon  as  far  north  as  49,  and  probably  as  far  as  49.V  degrees.  An  Amer- 
can  citizen,  Capt.  (»ray,  was  the  first  to  explore  the  eastern  coast  Of  Queen 
Charlotte's,  or  Washington's  island,  situate  between  the  ;>2d  and  54th  de- 
grees north  latitude;  and  I  presume  it  may  be  said,  without  danger  of  suc- 
(•essful  contradiction,  that  an  American  citizen,  Kendrick,  ''was  the  first 
])erson  who  sailed  through  the  Strait  of  Fuca  after  its  discovery  by  the  Greek 
pilot  in  1592." 

Without  pausing,  however,  to  inquire  into  the  extent,  or  effects  of  the 
discoveries  ;md  explorations  here  alluded  to,  1  proceed  to  say,  that  in  1792 
an  American  citizen,  Capt.  Gray,  did  discover  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia 
river — that  he  entered  it,  and  anchored  in  it.  ten  miles  above  its  month — 
that  he  remained  several  days  in  this  river,  trading  with  the  natives,  and 
that  this  discovery  was  made  at  a  period  when  all  the  British  navigators  en- 
tertained the  opinion  that  no  svich  river  existed — and  after  Meares  and  Van- 
couver had  both  abandoned  all  farther  search  for  it,  as  vain  and  useless — 
and  after  Vancouver  had  declared  '■^tliat  no  openinac  harbor,  or  place  ofre- 
Jv^e  for  V  ssels,  was  to  be  found  between  Cape  Mendocino  and  the  Straii 
nf  F?/ca."  The  British  plenipotentiaries,  during  the  negotiation  of  1826, 
admit  that  Capt.  Gray,  finding  himself  in  the  bay  formed  by  the  discharge 
of  the  waters  of  the  Columbia  into  the  Pacific,  '■^  was  the  first  to  ascertain 
that  this  b((i/  formed  the  outlet  of  a  '^reat  river. ^^  When  to  thie  is  added 
the  exploration  of  Lewis  and  Clark  in  1805,  during  which  the  Columbia  was 
traced  from  its  sources  to  its  mouth,  it  will  scarcely  be  doubted,  by  an  Ameri- 
can citizen,  at  least,  that  our  title  to  so  much  of  Oregon  as  is  drained  by 
this  river  is  indisputable . 

These  discoveries  have  been  followed  by  settlements,  sufficiently  prompt 
and  extensive,  to  perfect  and  maintain  the  rights  resulting  from  discovery. 
I  have,  therefore,  concluded  that  our  tide  to  the  valley  of  tlie  Columbia  is 
beyond  dispute — that  it  is  not  only  the  best,  as  compared  with  the  title  of 
Great  Brilahi,  but  that  it  is  )iow,  the  best  on  eartlt :  in  short,  that  it  is  a  good 
title;  such  an  one  as  I  woidd  be  willing  to  risk  in  an  action  of  ejectment, 
and  upon  the  strength  of  which  I  should  expect  to  recover  before  any  im- 
partial tribunal,  without  reference  to  the  weakness  of  my  ixdvevsnries^  claim. 

But,  Mr.  Chairman,  we  have  riarhts  in  the  Oregon  country  bevond  these; 
rights  upon  which  1  lay  some  stress;  and  which,  1  think,  have  not  been 
fully  appreciated  by  many  gentlemen  who  have  participated  in  this  debate. 
I  will  briefiy  state  them:  •* 


'  In  177 
high  as  t( 
tion  was  : 
which,  at 
^on  of  its 
1774, a  c 
in  referer 
.awakenei 
west  coixi 
explorati( 
sions  in  r 
ages  of  1 
pursued 
Bodega . 
west  coa 
all  other; 
which  Wi 
Jier  just  ( 

this, 
time  the 
seizure  b 
Sound; 
tion.     T 

It  is  cl 
settle  ihi 
ty.     I  d 
right  to 
3iierit  in 

Now, 
>Spain  to 
certain  it 
by  some 
the  date 

In  ans 
by  the  g 
treaty,  S 
then  ma 
fully  cxt 
Jike  it. 
sovereigi 
cd,  or  yi 
or  to  the 
on  the  CI 
tion  will 

Its  3(1 
tiotbedi. 
the  Paci 
seas  in  [ 
<;ommer< 
this  beiii 
in  the  tr 


e  welfare, 
y  ill  error. 

II  the  com- 
n  rxlmust- 
ys^e  it  than 
heraiise  1 
oris  which 
i(le,  rather 
;  produced 

,•;  explora- 
my  coun- 
ted  title  to 
An  Anier- 
of  Queen 
d  54th  de- 
ger  of  sue- 
as  the  first 
the  (jlreek 

3cts  of  the 
at  in  1792 

Columbia 
s  vwuth — 
itives,  and 
ig^ators  en- 
?  and  Van- 
1  useless — 
dace  of  re- 
the  Strait 
\  of  1826, 
;  discharge 

ascertain 
ic  is  added 
Lunbia  was 
an  Ameri- 
[1  rained  by 

lly  prompt 
discovery, 
olumbia  is 
the  title  of 
it  is  a  good 
ejectment , 
re  any  ini- 
ies'  claim, 
ond  these ; 
not  been 
lis  debate. 


■  In  1774  and  177.'>,  Siuiiu  explored  the  northwest  roast  itf  Anierioa  aj? 
high  as  to  the  5>Sih,irnot  to  the  (ilst,  degree  north  latitude.  This  explora- 
tion was  made  by  (Spain,  with  a  view  to  discover  and  settle  this  country, 
which,  at  tluit  tinie.^he  claimed  under  die  decree  of  the  Pope,  and  by  rea- 
son of  its  conligvityXo  her  actual  dominions.  IJetween  llic  years  1770  am' 
1774,  a  controversy  arose,  and  was  settled  between  (ircat  Hritain  and  Spain 
in  reference  to  the  Falkland  islands.  This  controversy,  beyond  all  doubt, 
.awakened  Spain  to  the  danger  of  her  then  pietended  rights  upon  the  north- 
west coast,  from  the  ambition  of  (Jreat  Hritain,  and  (piickened  her  to  artu  of 
exploration  and  discoveiy,  calculated  to  ascertain  and  luaintaiu  her  preten- 
sions in  and  to  tbatcoimtry.  Thus  stinuilated,  Spain  set  on  foot  the  voy- 
ages of  177'1,  nmler  IVrez,  and  1775,  under  Heceta  and  Hodega,  which  she 
pursued  in  1779,  by  an  expedition,  under  the  coMnnand  of  Areteaga  arul 
Bodega.  These  explorations  and  discoveries  embraced  the  entire  north- 
west coast  as  far  as  til-*  north  latitude.  In  point  of  lime, they  wexa prior  to 
all  others.  They  wore  followed  by  r/c/ur// settlement  at  \ootka.  All  of 
which  was  done  by  Spain  in  order  to  dofme  and  dcfuml  what  she  considered 
Jier  just  dominion. 

This,  then,  was  the  \mc position  of  both  Spain  auil  (neat  Hritain  at  the. 
lime  the  dilhculty  arose  between  these  two  (iovernments,  in  regard  to  the 
seizure  by  the  former  of  a  vessel  owned  by  citizens  of  the  latter,  at  .Nootka 
Sound;  which  difticulty  lend  to  what  is  termed  the  Mootka  Sound  conven- 
tion.    This  position  of  the  two  countries  must  not  be  forgotten. 

It  is  clear  to  me,  sir,  that  at  this  time  Sj)ain,at  least,  had  the  riglu  to 
settle  this  coiattn/,  and  to  exclude  Great  Hritain.  She  claimed  its  sovereisjn- 
ty.  I  do  not  think  it  necessary  to  discuss  this  claim;  !)ut  the  exclusive 
right  to  settle  and  occupy,  it  seems  to  me,  she  clearly  had,  if  there  be  any 
jiierit  in  ])rior  discovery, followed  by  partial  occupation  and  setdemeiU. 

Now,  Mr,  Chairman,  we  acquired,  in  1S19,  by  treaty ,  all  the  rights  of 
iSpain  to  this  country.  If  she  Mew.  had  any  title,  we  have  it  now.  And 
certain  it  is  that  she  had  the  best,  if  not  a  good  title,  unless  she  hiid  lost  it 
by  some  act  done  or  omitted  between  llie  IN'ootka  dithculty,  in  1790,  and 
the  date  of  our  ])urchase,  (1S19.) 

In  answer  to  this  view  of  the  subject,  I  have  heard  it  stated  on  this  tloor, 
by  the  gentleman  from  South  Carolina,  (Mr.  Fomiks,)  that  by  ihe  Nootka 
treaty,  Spain  conceded  to  Great  Britain  any  exclusive;  right  which  she  liefore 
then  may  have  had  to  this  country.  I  do  not  so  understand  it.  I  have  care- 
fully examined  that  treaty,  and  1  rind  no  such  concession  in  it.  Nothing" 
Jike  it.  During  the  negotiation,  and  before  it,  Spain  claimed  the  right  of 
sovereignty  to  the  whole  country.  This  she  never  surrendered,  abamloii- 
<id,  or  yielded  ;  nor  did  she  ever  agree  to  give  Great  Britain  any  rights  in 
or  to  tlu;  country  beyond  the  right  of  trading  irith  the  natives  and  fisliing 
onthecoaM.  The  Nootka  Sound  convention  was  much  like  our  conven- 
tion with  (Jreat  Hritain  in  181 S. 

Its  3(1  article  provides  that  the  respective  sulfjectsof  the  two  parties  ''shall 
not  be  disturbed  or  molested  either  in  naviLratini'-or  carrvingon  their  fisheries  in 
the  Pacilic  Ocean, or  in  the  South  Seas,  or  in  laiuliiig  on  the  coasts  of  those 
seas  ill  places  not  already  occuj)ied,  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  on  their 
<:oinmerce  with  the  natives  of  the  country,  or  of  making  settlements  tliere;' 
this  beiny  subject,  however,  to  certain  restrictions  and  limitations  specified 
in  the  treaty. 


1- 


What  rights  are  liere  conceded,  except  the  right  of  trading  with  the  na- 
tives and  fishing  in  the  oceau;  and  of  nnaking  such  temporari/  setilvmcnis  as 
might  be  found  necessary  m  carrying  on  this  commerce?  What  right  to 
the  country  i8  here  yieUh,'d  by  {Spain?  None  in  the  worUI.  This  was  a 
mere  commercial  treaty,  concluded  for  ihe  sake  of  peace,  and  not  looked 
upon  hy  either  nation  as  giving  or  obtaining  any  title  to  the  country.  How 
did  Great  IJritain  umh-island  this  treaty  in  1S18,  when  she  first  negotiated 
with  us  on  this  subject?  7'/te//  we  liad  not  ac(|uired  the  Spanish  title,  but 
she  had,  provided  the  Nootka  treaty  gave  it  to  her.  She  made,  however, 
no  such  preleufioii.  On  the  contrary,  Ciieat  Britain  thin  claimed  cachisivc 
sovereirriiii/  over  the  whole  country,  by  reason  of  !ier  own  discoveries,  and 
nothing  in  virtue  of  her  ac(|uisitioii  from  Spain. 

But,  Mr.  Cbtiirman,  in  182(),  after  we  had  act|uired  the  Spanish  tide, 
and  thereby  possessed  ourselves  of  discoveries  clearly  and  certainly  prior  to 
the  discoveries  of  («reat  Britain,  we  find  she  abandons  her  former  position, 
and  says  she  '■'■  claims  no  cvclusive  sovereignty  over  any  po)iiou  of  the  ter- 
ritory,'''' but  limits  her  claim  to  "a  right  of  joint  occupancy,  in  common 
with  other  Stales,  leaving  the  right  of  exclusive  dominion  in  abeyance." 
To  this  position  she  had  been  driven  by  our  purchase  of  the  Spanish 
claim;  oUieiwise  she  would,  as  against  us,  always  have  maintained  her 
right  to  exclusive  dontinion ,  as  she  did  lit  18J8. 

It  has  been  said  that  Spain  did  not  follow  her  discoveries  by  occupation 
in  such  maiuier  as  to  preserve  her  rights.  To  this  I  answer,  Cireat  Britain 
is  precluded  from  so  saying  by  the  Nootka  convention,  still  in  existence, and 
under  which  she  claims  a  right  jointly  to  occupy,  leaving  the  (juestion  of 
dominion  in  abeyance. 

If  two  individuals,  each  claiming  the  same  piece  of  land,  and  not  agree- 
ing as  to  the  tide,  should  agree,  for  the  time  being,  jointly  to  occupy,  leaving 
the  title  to  be  settled  at  a  future  period,  I  presume  no  one  would  say  that, 
during  such  agreement,  the  statute  of  linntations  would  run  against  either, 
though  not  in  actual  possession.  When  these  two  persons  come  to  settle 
the  question  of  tide,  Uiey  will  be  conipelled  to  go  back  to  their  rights  at  the 
date  of  the  agreement. 

Mr.  Chairman,  cannot  we  go  back  and  take  our  position  precisely  where 
Spain  stood  in  1790?  Which  was  then  the  best  title,  duit  of  Spain  or  that 
of  Great  Britain  ? 

If  we  are  entitled  to  diis  position,  it  is  impregnable;  and  on  our  Spanish 
title  we  can  stand  with  firn mess, safety,  and  composure.  I  do  not  desire  to 
say, sir,  that  this  view  is  certainly  the  correct  one.  That  Great  Britain  has 
no  fair  claim  to  any  part  of  the  Oregon  country,  I  do  not  feel  myself  compe- 
tent to  utter  any  such  arrogant  assumption.  Wluit  I  desire  to  say  is,  that 
the  best  examination  which  I  have  been  able  to  give  the  subject  has  lead  me 
to  conclude  that  our  title  derived  from  Spain  is  better  than  atiy  possessed  by 
Great  Britain;  and  that,  independent  of  this  title,  south  of  the  49°,  we  have, 
by  discovery  .and  settlement ,  a  clear ,  certain ,  absolute  right. 

Variousotlier  titles, sir, have  been  advanced  bygendenten  who  have  address- 
ed the  committee.  Ailam's  will  has  been  mentioned,  ''Our  manifest  destiny" 
isaiavoritelitle  with^^ome  gentlemen.  And  the  will  of  the  Almighty  is  relied 
upon  by  another.  An  honorable  member  from  Kentucky  ,  (]Mr.  j\1cHe\uy,) 
who  is  a  very  good  lawyer ,  I  believe ,  suggested  that  a  will  does  not  take  efrect 
until  after  the  leMutur's  lieaih,  wliich  inrlmes  meseriou.-^ly  to  tluub'  -.,  hethei 
the  last  mentioned  title  has  any  validity.     Adam's  will  i  never  have  ex- 


pause 


1 


tvith  the  na- 
ttleincnts  as 
hat  right  to 
This  was  a 
1  not  looked 
titry.  How 
!t  negotiated 
ish  title,  but 
c,  however, 
ed  exclusive 
Dveries,  and 

panisli  tide; 
nlij  prior  to 
icr  pooition, 

I  of  the  ler- 
in  common 
ibeyance." 
he  Spanish 
ntained  her 

occupation 
ireat  Britain 
istence,and 

(|uestion  of 

II  not  agree- 
ipy,  leaving 

d  say  that, 
linst  either, 
me  to  settle 

ights  at  the 

isely  where 
Dain  or  that 

nr  Spanish 
lot  desire  to 
Britain  has 
self  compe- 
say  is,  that 
las  lead  me 
(ossessed  by 
°,  we  have, 

ave  address- 

st  destiny" 

hty  is  relied 

IcHexuy,) 

t  tukc  efrect 
lb  ..  ii'.'tliei 
r  have  ex- 


amined, and,  indeed,  I  was  ignorant,  until  this  debate  commenced,  of  its 
existence,  or  that  it  had  been  admitted  to  probate.  Nor  do  I  recognise, 
Mr.  Chairman,  this  doctrine  of ''manifest  destiny."  I  fear  it.  I  greatly 
fenr,  that  it  teaches  a  very  dangerous  sentiment.  By  it  we  learn,  sir,  that 
our  (Jovernment  is  to  increase  its  territory  undl  we  are  ocean  bound, both 
eaat  and  west,  and  until  nothing  shall  remain  for  acquisition  upon  our  north 
or  south.  This  sentiment,  if  encouraged,  will  delude  us  into  dangerous,  ex- 
travagant, and,  I  fear,  disastrous  measures.  We  have  been  told,  upon  thid 
floor,  during  this  debate,  that  the  people  of  this  Union  have  spread, and  are 
spreaditjg,  and  that  they  will  continue  to  spread,  until  they  cover  this  conti- 
nent. This  sentiment,  sir,  seems  to  possess,  for  some  persons,  a  kind  of 
charm — a  sort  of  glory,  so  to  speak,  that  does  not  suit  my  fancy. 
It  has  been  said  of  glory  that 

"  It  is  likf  a  circle  in  iho  water, 

Wiiich  ii'jvcr  <'i'tisctli  t(i  cnlanrc  itself 

Until,  liy  broud  spreading,',  it  diNpensctli  in  nnushf." 

I  fear,  sir,  that  diis  glorious  doctrine  of  "destiny,"  which  teaches  us  that 
our  Union  is  to  spread  until  it  covers  this  continent,  will,  if  it  progresses  un- 
checked, land  us  where  glory  and  the  circle  are  said  to  end.  [  cannot  and 
will  not  encourage  it  here,  nor  elsewhere.  I  will  not, therefore, press  the  ac- 
quisition of  one  inch  of  territory  that  is  not  ours  by  right;  for  I  do  most 
solemnly  declare  that  i  believe  all  such  actpiisitions  will ;  in  the  end,  en- 
danger the  republic.  1  will  noi  lend  myself  to  feed  or  cultivate  a  sentiment 
which  1  consider  so  pregnant  with  danger  to  the  peace,safcty ,  nnd  perpetuity 
of  my  country. 

This,  sir,  was  one  of  my  objections  to  the  annevation  of  Texas. 
Anodicr  was,  that  we  thereby  extended  the  area  of  slaveiy.  But,  Mr. 
Chairman,  Texas  annexation  was  consummated,  i\n(!  what  has  follow- 
ed? An  increased  and  increasing  tliirst  for  land.  You  see,  sir,  we 
have  created  an  appetite  "which  grows  by  die  thing  we  feed  it  on."  In  less 
than  a  year  from  the  era  of  this  Texas  acquisition  you  hear  it  ])roclaimed  in 
diis  hall  that  our  "destiny"  is  to  possess  this  entire  continent.  Is  it  not  time  to 
pause  ?  And  would  it  not  be  well  for  the  advocates  of  our  title  by  "destiny" 
to  read  the  history  of  certain  republics  which  once  were,  but  now  are  iiotl 

But,  sir,  much  as  I  deprecate  the  acfjuisition  of  territory  which  is  not  our 
own,  still  1  would  not  yield  an  acre,  no,  not  an  inch ,  of  that  which  belongs 
to  us.  1  would  not  surrender  a  barren  rock,  incapable  of  producing  a  spear 
of  grass,  or  blade  of  corn,  and  lit  only  to  receive  and  check  the  ever-foam- 
ing, dashing  waves  of  the  ocei.  i:  sincerely  as  I  dread  the  calamities  of  war, 
and  much  as  I  implore  Heaven  to  avert  them, still  I  would  not  dishonorably 
surrender  Uiis  rock,  if  it  be  ours,  in  order  to  avoid  these  calamities.  Our 
rights  must  be  maintained  against  the  most  powerful,  as  well  as  against  the 
feeblest  nations  upon  eardi.  I  would  not  take  l)y  force,  or  fraud,  from  a 
dwarf  one  penny  that  belongs  to  hiin.  Nor  would  I  tamely  yield  to  Her- 
cules a  farthing  of  my  own. 

I  will  now,  Mr.  Chairman,  allude  to  the  eilocts  of  giving  or  omitting  this 
notice.  It  has  beei^  coiistaiiily  lidcen  for  granted,  In'  tlioHe  who  opjwse  it, 
that  it  will  produce  war.  I  do  not  so  rfgard  it.  I  look  upon  it  as  almost 
necessary  lo  preserve  peace  in  the  pre^^ent  posture  of  our  af'  i  .  Its  effects 
most  certainly  will  be  amicable,  sali'Jarv.  aod  healthful  to  the  country.  It 
cannot  be  ijiaf  two  civili::(Ml  nations,  informing  a  treaty  for  the  purpose 
of  preserving  peace,  would  liuvc  introduced  a  stipulation   or  provision,  a 


I 


T 


8 


been  aili 
the  coMUi 
would 
tlicic;  ih 
gentlcnia 


conipliuiice  with  whicli,  by  cillu^r,  niiirft  uocosdaii!}'  load  to  war.  ^riiirf  abrt)u;iiit;d 
position  id  HO  absurd  ibal  no  oiiu  inainlains  it.  Uiil  it  is  said  ibat  thi>.  for*'.,  in  fa 
iiiecLsurt's  which  muf-l  follow  tho  t^iviiig  of  this  notice  will  lead  to  war.  the  IMc^ii 
That  depends  upon  the  nature  of  iho.sc  measures;  upon  what  we  do  after  nialely  If 
the  notice  is  given,  and  not  upon  the  oci  of  jriving  the  jiotico.  1  <'uu  w 

Let  us  then,  sir, sweep  away  the  enibarrasainent,  the  encunibranc*;  of  thi;?  necosfsary 
treaty  of  joint  occupation;  let  »is  therrby  put  our  feet  upon  firm  and  .^lid  tion  had  i 
ground,  and  Uien,slatulins,''  erect,  as  we  shall  upon  our  just  rights,  let  us  re-  not  becoi 
solve  that  we  will  do  nothing  wrong,  and  that  we  will  submit  to  nolhing  gamlding 
which  is  not  right.  In  such  position  what  have  we  to  fear  ?  During  the  it  to  pi og 
existence  of  this  treaty  of  joint  trade  and  conmierce  wo  are  bound  l>y  its  njent,wit 
faith.  We  dare  not  violate  it,  even  to  protect  our  kindred,  blood,  and  iiiteiim, 
friends.  We  had  better  lose  the  whole  of  Oregon  than  tarnish  our  national  going  lo 
honor  by  doing  any  act  in  violation  of  this  treaty,  even  to  secure  our  citi- 
zens now  there,  or  those  who  desire  to  go  there. 

Mr.  Chairman,  so  long  as  this  notice  remains  to  be  given,  so  long  this 
treaty  will  continue  to  be  our  stumbling  block;  and  so  long  as  this  treaty 
continues  in  existence,  so  long  we  shall  continue  to  negotiate  with  Cireat 
Britain  in  regiud  to  the  Oregon  country,  as  we  have  done  these  thirty  years,    selves,  w 
without  the  least  success.     And,  sir,  1  will  tell  you  why.  would  hi 

I  have  alluded  to  the  claim  made  by  Great  Britain  during  the  negotiation  of  toucli  ol" 
1820,  '7,  once  before  dining  mv  remarks,  but  I  will  he;  itale  it  more  fidlv.  which  ne 
The  British  plenipotentiaries,  Messrs.  Huskisson  imd  Addinglon,  during  this  height  ol 
negotiation,  annexed  to  the  protocol  of  the  sixth  conference  what  they  were  opj)ose  u: 
])leas(.'d  to  call  "a  fid/,  and  ei-plkit  expositinn  of  [the  British]  claims  and  terrui)led 
vicu's.'"  This  "exposition,"  after  remarking  upon  the  broad  diHerence  be-  ped,  and 
Iween  the  nature  of  'bo  rights  claimed  by  Great  Britain  and  those  asserted  by  some  of  i 
the  United  Htates,  proceeds  to  say:  "Over  a  large  portion  of  that  territory, 
namely,  from  the  42°  to  the  4U°  north  latitude, the  United  States  cVdwnfull 
and excliisii-e itovcrcigiUt/.  (Jreat  Britain  claims  no  exdus'we  sovirtiantij 
over  any  portion  of  that  territory.  Her  prcsetd  claim,  not  in  respect  to 
any  part,  but  to  the  whole,  is  limited  to  a  right  of  Joint  occupancy  in  com- 
mon with  odicr  Stales,  leaving  the  right  of  exclusive  dominion  in  abey- 
ance." Now,  sir,  the  treaty  of  1818,  continued  in  1827,  secmes  to  Great 
Britain  all  she  claims.  It  secures  to  her,  in  connnon  with  this  country,  the 
free  navigation  of  the  Columbia,  the  harbor  at  its  mouth  and  the  joint  use 
of  all  the  country,  .south  as  well  as  north,  of  the  4Ulh  degree  of  north  lati- 
tude. This  treaty  is  (dl  she  wants,  all  she  desires,  and  as  long  as  it  endmes, 
and  is  not  violated,  it  is  all  that  Great  Britain  demands.     How  is  it  with  us? 

I  believe  it  is  conceded  on  all  sides  that  we  have  a  clear  and  unquestionable 
right  '-to  full  and  exclusive  sovereioidy''^  as  far  north  at  least  as  the  49th 
degree.  That  we  ought  exclusively  to  possess  and  enjoy  the  country  up 
to  this  j)oint.  Those  who  are  among  the  most  elocjuent  in  magnifying  the 
horrors  of  war,  and  the  prowess  of  Hngland,  seem  willing  to  demand  what 
they  are  pleased  to  term  a  "straight  fence"  on  the  49th  parallel  north  lati- 
tude. iJut  permit  me  to  incpiire,  sir,  how  we  are  to  obtain  even  this,  dur- 
ing the  continuance  of  the  treaty  of  joint  occupation?  Jt  is  impossible.  We 
should  violate  the  treaty  by  attempting  it.  Great  Britain  must  and  will  use 
the  whole  and  every  j)art  of  the  country,  in  common  with  us,  so  long  ojj 
this  treaty  exists.  We  cannot  prevent  it.  And  she  will  never  negotiaie 
upon  a  fair  and  e(|uilable  butis  until  this  notice  be  given  and  the  treaty 


I  allud 

show  wb; 

them  in 

proachinj 

It  is,  \ 

With  oth< 

say  that 

controvci 

tion  to  a 

Let  xxi 

the  treat 

rights  as 

not  desii 

cupation 

nutted  t 

low  tha 

enjoy  bi 

istence 

with  on 

demand 

a  right  1 

^aleil.  \ 


4 


(I  that  tlu>. 
i  lu  war. 
c  do  ufier 


.( 


mc«;  of  tliis 
I  and  .olid 
,  let  113  re- 
o  nothing 
)inin^-  the 
ind  hy  ltd 
jlood,  and 
ir  natjonid 
e  our  ciii- 

ong  this 
liis  treaty 

ith  CJreat 
irty  years, 

otiation  of 
lore  i'nlly. 
luring  this 
th(!y  were 
hims  ami 
L'rence  be- 
ssfirted  by 
:  territory, 
c\i\\mfull 
vcreiirntij 
respect  to 
y  in  coni- 
in  abey- 
to  Great 
intry,  the 
joint  use 
nortli  lati- 
endines, 
with  us? 
Bsiionable 
1  the  49tli 
)uniry  up 
fying  the 
and  what 
lorUi  lati- 
this,  dur- 
)Ie.    We 
I  will  use 
long  as 
uegoiiaie 
le  trcaiy 


'  0 

abrogaled,  from  width  ^\iv  derives  surh  enormous  advanlago.  I  am,  there- 
for*'., in  fu\ or  of  auihorizing  thi.s  noiict;  to  be  given,  and  I  wouhl  empower 
the  ['resident  to  give  \liion-,  because  I  believe  a  neglect  to  give  it  will  ulti- 
mately lead  to  the  most  evil  conse(|uences. 

I  can  well  imagine  a  stale  of  things  that  woulil  have  rejxlered  this  notice  un- 
necessary, and  perhaps  improptc,  as  a  present  measure,  ff  this  Oregon  (pies- 
tion  had  not  been  so  imforlunate  as  to  fall  into  the  vortex  of  parly  strife:  had  it 
dot  b«'come  connected  with  the  business  of  President-making  and  political 
gambling, as  an  immediate  measure  I  would  not  urge  it.  I  would  have  sidl'ered 
It  to  progress  under  calm, but  lirm  and  prudent,  negotiation,  without  excite- 
ment ,  without  ileclaniation ,  manufactured  to  order  for  party  purposes;  and ,  ad 
interim,  1  would  have  seen  our  untiruig,  energetic,  indomitable  people, 
going  to  that  coimtry,and  every  year,  and  month,  and  day,  woultl  have 
been  ailding  sirengdi  to  our  possessions  there.  iSoon ,  and  very  soon ,  too , 
the  country  would  have  become  the  home  of  our  friends.  Our  fathers 
woulil  have  been  there,  and  our  brothers,  loo;  our  blood  would  liav«;  been 
there;  those  hardy  jtioneers,  so  \\orthless  and  useless,  in  the  eyes  of  the 
gentlenian  from  Virginia,  [Mr.  Phndlkton,]  who  would  exi»alriate  them- 
selves, would  have  been  there;  and  between  our  hearts  and  their  hearts 
would  have  existed  a  chord  of  friendship  and  symi)aihy  viui.tting  at  the 
toucli  of  each  breath  of  intelligence  passing  between  the  tv;  >  coumries 
which  ufivcr  could  have  been  severed  by  the  distance  ihiit  (''vides  us — the 
height  of  the  mountains  w  hicli  separate  us,  or  the  pow«.i  of  !• 'lions  that 
op])ose  us.  But  this  peaceful,  ipiiet,  natural  course  of  events,  has  been  in- 
terrujHed  and  preveiiU'd.  This  emigration  has  been  checked,  if  not  stop- 
ped, and  this  riuestiou  has  been  prematurely  forced  upon  the  counuy ,  by 
some  of  those  persons,  loo,  who  now  seem  most  to  dread  its  consetpiences. 

I  allude  to  these  diings,  for  no  other  reason,  Mr.  Chairman,  than  to 
show  why  I  think  Uns  notice  should  be  given  now.  1  do  not  advert  to 
them  in  order  to  make  any  partisan  remarks,  or  for  the  purpose  of  re- 
proaching those  who,  in  my  humble  judgment,  have  ".sown  the  wind."' 

It  is.  perhaps,  a  sufl'icient  punishment  for  them  that  diey  are,  in  common 
With  others,  so  soon  compelled  to  "  reap  die  whirlwind."  But  I  ilesire  to 
say  that  1  am  in  favor  of  adopting  such  course  of  action  as  will  end  this 
controversy;  such  a  course  as  will  liasten  negotiation,  and  bring  Uds  (pies- 
tion  to  a  full  and  final  adjustment.  . 

Let  us  then  give  this  notice  After  the  necessary  time  has  elapsed,  and 
the  treaty  is  abrogated,  wc  can  assert,  and,  if  necessary,  maintain  our 
rights  tis  far  as  Uiey  arc  "  clear  and  uncpiestionable;"  fardier  than  this  1  do 
not  desire  to  go.  If  the  sovereignty  of  die  countiy,  and  the  right  to  its  oc- 
cupation, belong  to  us,  as  far  as  the  4^.Kh  degree  north  latitutle,  as  it  is  ad- 
niitted  they  do,  why  should  we  divide  die  country,  and  the  use  of  it,  be- 
low Uiat  parallel  with  any  nation?  Why  should  we,souUi  of  this  line, 
enjoy  but  one  half  when  the  whole  is  clearly  ours?  Why  continue  in  ex- 
istence longer  a  convention  which  gives  to  Great  Britain  (ulvantages  erjual 
with  ourselves  in  a  country  to  which  she  has  no  right.  Annul  this  treaty; 
demand  what  clearly  belongs  to  us;  possess  ami  enjoy  that  which  we  have 
a  right  to,  and  we  have  nothing  to  fear.  In  diis  sj)iril ,  the  treaty  being  abro- 
.galed,  we  should  extend  our  laws  over  our  citizens  in  that  country — giving 


that  tU 
know , 
Hovvev 
of  fane 
a  sober 
Anoi 
tlie  he 
ing  iis( 


10 

them  the  aid  and  protection  which  they  need  in  tlie  country,  and  which  war,  an 
their  safety  requires  in  passing  to  and  from  the  same.  of  arms 

Will  these  acts  of  justice,  based  upon  the  sure  foundation  of  right,  pro-  suppose 
duce  war?    Will  Great  Britain,  without  just  cause,  and  for  the  mere  as-  bad  su 
sertion  of  our  rights,  challenge  us  to  the  conflict  of  arms?    If  so,  then  the  willing 
alternative  is  fairly  befci.e  the  coimtry.     We  must  either  yield  that  which  would 
belongs  to  us,  to  the  arrogant  demands  of  a  powerful  and  mighty  empire,  us  ol 
or  fight.  sources 

Mr.  Chairman,  no  one  shudders  at  the  thought  of  war  more  than  myself,  ness  an 
Its  bloody,  desolating,  withering,  influence,  cannot  be  over-wrought  or  over-  "  he 
estimated.  It  is  a  kind  of  music  that  has  no  charms  for  me.  I  dread  it,  certain 
and  will  do  all  in  my  power  to  prevent  it.  I  will  go  to  the  brink  of  honor  of  the 
to  avert  its  coining;  but,  sir,  I  will  not  step  ofl'  into  the  abyss  of  infamy,  wiihm 
dishonor,  and  degradation.  Sooner  than  do  this,  I  would  see  my  country 
meet  the  crisis,  and  encounter  its  calamities. 

But  it  is  important,  on  account  of  our  internal  and  domestic  peace,  and 
business- welfare,  that  this  Oregon  question  be  terminated.     Left  in  its  pre- 
sent condition,  and  it  is  a  plaything  for  political  parties.     We  are  now  in- 
volved in  the  disastrous  consequences  resulting  from  its  long  delay.     The 
famous  Baltimore  convention  found  it  necessary  to  create  some  new  issues 
upon  which  to  conduct  a  Presidential  canvass.   Texas  was  the  object  sought, 
and  Oregon  was  its  antidote — thrown  in  to  season  the  dish,  and  make  it     hy  a  ct 
palatable.     Thus  the  advocates  of  Texas  triiunphed;  thus  the  friends  of    other  i 
Oregon  were  quieted  and  satisfied;  and  thus  has  this  question  been  made     hend, 
to  agitate  the  country  and  endanger  its  peace.     Omit  to  give  this  notice,     been  b 
and  this  question  remains  unseUled.    At  each  recurring  session  of  Congress     hope  a 
the  President  will  direct  the  attention  of  the  nation  and  of  Congress  to  the     "Our 
subject.     It  will  continue  to  excite,  vex,  and  divide  the  people.     It  will 
enter  into  your  local  and  general  elections,  and  constitute  a  new  ai>d  dan- 
gerous element  there;  and,  if  it  is  not  settled  before  another  Presidential  ele- 
ction, it  will  again  be  made  to  feed  the  fury  of  party  strife  and  poUtical  war- 
fare, carrying  destruction  and  desolation  to  all  the  business,  commerce,  and 
■  best  interests  of  the  land. 

Look  at  its  eflects  upon  the  country  already.  Has  it  not  checked 
commerce?  Has  it  not  stifled  trade?  Has  it  not,  indeed,  paralyzed  all 
the  muscles  and  arteries  of  business?  It  has  probably  furnished  a  rich  har- 
vest for  the  "  bulls'  and  ''bears"  that  job  in  stocks.  But  to  every  honest  busi- 
ness man  it  has  been  an  injury.  In  the  language  of  the  honorable  Chair- 
man of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations,  (Mr,  C.  J.  L\ger«oll,)  this 
question  has  thrown  the  country  into  a  fever.  Yes,  sir,  it  is  a  fever;  a 
most  exciting,  paralyzing,  dangerous,  fever.  I  think,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  frteh 
any  good  physician,  judging  of  the  symptoms  from  the  speeches  some-  Admi 
times  here  delivered,  would  pronounce  it  a  "  bilious  fever,"  too.  Well, 
sir,  it  is  our  duly  so  to  treat  the  patient,  if  we  can,  as  to  cure  him.  Let  us 
remove  the  cause  of  the  disease;  for,  if  we  do  not,  depend  upon  it,  the 
complaint  will  return;  the  patient  will  again  be  afflicted,  and  the  disease 
will  either  become '^  chronic,"  or''  remittant;"  both  of  which  are  to  be 
dreaded,  and  if  possibh;  prevented. 

To  these  suggestions,  so  imperfectly  made,  but  which,  to  my  mind,  seem 
to  furnish  such  conclusivi;  reasons  lor  living  iliis  notice,  I  have  heard  bi'* 
one  answer.    That  ans^wer  consists  in  assuming  that  the  notice  will  produce 


visions 

But 

Does  t 

our  gu 

the  ex 

adopt  i 

Thi 

His  vi 

peace 

Great 

this  fa 

we  sh 

,  a  war 


a  pott 
dy  pt 
crowi 
advis 

tires 
the  1 
wUl  1 
"ivrd 
AJ 
the  I 


! 


11 


Y,  and  which 

[)f  right,  pro- 
he  mere  as- 
so, then  the 
d  (hat  which 
glity  empire, 

than  myself. 

ught  or  over- 

I  dread  it, 

ink  of  lionor 

of  infanjy, 

my  country 

f  peace,  and 

ft  in  its  pre- 

are  now  in- 

Jelay.     The 

Jiew  issues 

bject  sought, 

and  make  it 

le  friends  of 

been  made 

this  notice, 

of  Congress 

igress  to  the 

)le.     It  will 

ew  ai>d  dan- 

sidentiul  ele- 

)ohtical  war- 

iimerce,  and 

lot  checked 
aralyzed  all 
cI  a  rich  har- 
honest  busi- 
lable  Chair- 
RsoLL.)  this 
a  fever;  a 
lirman,  that 
3ches  some- 
too.  Well, 
ni .  Let  us 
ipon  it,  (he 
I  the  disease 
h  are  to  be 

mind,  seem 
p  heai'I  bu* 
vill  produce 


war,  and  in  declaiming  upon  its  horrors.  But,  sir,  whence  comes  this  din 
of  arms  and  cry  of  war?  Why,  sir,  it  comes  from  a  quarter  where  I  had 
supposed  men  were  born  insensible  to  fear.  From  those  who  carry,  (as  I 
had  supposed,)  their  hearts  in  (heir  hands — from  those  who  should  be  as 
willing  to  contend  for  our  just  rights  with  the  power  of  England,  as  (hey 
would  be  with  weak  and  distracted  Mexico.  These  gentlemen  now  tell 
as  of  nothing  but  the  dangers  and  disasters  of  war,  and  the  power  and  re- 
sources of  our  enemy;  together  with  an  ample  description  of  our  own  weak- 
ness and  insignilicance. 

The  honorable  gentlennn  from  Virginia,  (Mr.  Pendleton,)  in  order  to  as- 
certain the  full  strength  and  military  power  of  England,  has  made  the  circuit 
of  the  globe  since  this  debate  began;  and  he  informs  us  that  he  was  always 
within  hearing  of  British  drums  beating  the  reveille.  I  had  heard  before 
that  the  military  posts  of  Great  Britain  belted  (he  earth,  but  I  did  not 
know,  until  I  heard  his  remarks,  that  they  were  quite  so  near  together. 
However,  I  suppose  the  most  of  this  beautiful  descrip-  (ion  was  the  effect 
of  fancy — a  fine  imagination — in  short,  sir,  a  kind  of  "dream,"  and  not 
a  sober  reality. 

Another  honorable  member  (Mr.  Holmes,  of  S.  C.)  has  discovered  irt 
the  heavens  a  dark  and  por(en(ons  cloud,  rising  from  Oregon,  and  spread- 
ing itself  above  our  heads  wi(h  fearful  aspect,  threatening  to  annihilate  us 
by  a  copious  discharge  of  hail  stones  and  fire,"  bullets  and  bayonets,  and 
other  drejid  missiles,  incident  to  the  perilous  conflict  of  arms.  But  I  appre- 
hend, sir,  that  this  is  nc-  sober  earnestness  either.  I  suppose  it  to  have 
been  but  a  "vision"  of  the  gentleman;  wherefore  I  have  concluded,  and  I 
hope  and  trust  without  doing  injustice  to  any  one,  that,  in  these  latter  days, 
"  Our  young  men  have  dreairicd  dreams,  and  our  old  men  have  seen 
visions." 

But  wherefore  all  this  effort  to  alarm  the  country,  and  awaken  our  fears? 
Does  the  country  need  these  efforts?  Do  they  furnish  any  argument  for 
our  guide?  Must  we  coimt  the  costs  of  doing  our  duty?  Must  we  estimate 
the  expense  of  defending  our  rights,  and  om*  country's  honor?  Ra(her 
adopt  as  our  motto:  "  Let  justice  be  done,  if  the  heavens  fall." 

This  notice  will  not  protluce  warl  The  President  has  no  desire  for  war. 
His  views  and  wishes  in  regard  to  the  tariff  lead  him  to  court  and  cultivate 
peace  with  England;  and  1  have  no  doubt, sir, but  that  the  Government  of 
Great  Britain  is  in  some  manner,  either  official  or  unofficial,  fully  advised  of 
this  fact .  The  war,  (hen ,  which  we  have  (o  dread ,  am  .ne  only  one  which 
we  sliall  be  compelled  (o  meet,  is  a  war  upon  the  industry  of  the  country — 
a  war  upon  our  business — a  war  upon  our  manufacturing  interests,  and  upon 
free  labor.  I  liave  no  doubt,  sir,  but  this  Oregon  question  will  be  used  by  the 
Administration  in  conducting  this  war;  and  I  presume  it  will  be  found  to  be 
a  potent  engine  for  evil  in  the  hands  of  our  free  trade  captains.  It  has  alrea- 
dy performed  energetic  and  worthy  service  in  acquiring  Texas,  and  in 
crowning  widi  vic(oiy  a  doubtful  Presidendal  struggle;  and  it  is  deemed 
advisable  to  niake  it  add  new  laurels  to  its  former  achievements  befoie  it  re- 
tires from  (he  field.  Oregon  must  still  be  used  to  prepare  western  ears  for 
tiie  Ijarshcr  notcc  of  " /rce  trade.'''  And  "  free  trade,"  it  is  presumed, 
will  reconcile  Great  Brilahi  to  yield,  or  at  least  to  modify,  her  claim  in  re- 
gard 10  (Jregon. 

xMi.  (Jiiainiiaii,  it  seems  to  me  that  (his  course  is  clearly  foreshadowed  as 
the  policy  of  this  Administration.     What  else,  sir,  can  be  inferred  from  the 


12  \ 

article  in  the  "  organ"  of  the  Administration  of  the  27ih  iilt.,  now  before  i 
me,  in  wliich  it  is  said:  "  We  have  before  spoken  of  t!ie  Jiao  shape  which 
the  Oregon  question  has  assumed,"  *fcc.?  And  again:  "  We  then  alluded 
to  this  newness  of  aspect,  in  the  question,  by  way  of  suggestion  as  to  the 
7iew  national  duty  which,  in  our  judgment,  its  present  position  imposes 
on  us." 

The  same  article,  after  alluding  to  a  proposal  contained  in  the  London 
Times,  in  regard  to  Oregon,  proceeds  to  implore  the  British  Government  to 
modify  this  proposal ,  so  as  to  make  it  more  acceptable,  and  then  submit  it 
to  this  country,  and  adds:  ''  It  would  not  then  be  unreasonable  lo  hope , 
that  on  such  a  proposal,  so  marie  and  so  earned  out  to  the  more  ample  re- 
cognition of  our  just  claims,  farther  negotiation  might  yet  build  a  peaceful 
tnoimment  to  the  enlightened  moderation  and  justice  of  tiro  great  nations . ' ' 
I  think  the  whole  of  this  is  intelligible,  and  not  dilficult  to  be  understood; 
particularly  when  it  is  remembered  that  It  has  been  said  in  a  leading  English 
journ:il,  that  "  neither  to  England  nor  to  the  United  States  is  Oregon  worth 
six  months'  unrestricted  traffic  between  them.'*'*  The  '•'  new  shape"  of 
this  question,  then,  is  its  connection  with  the  tariff.  Our  •' new  national 
duty"  is  to  abolish  this  tarilf,  and  give  England  '■'■free  traded  Then, 
if  she  will  make  us  another  proposition  '■'  to  die  more  ample  recognition  of 
-our  just  claims"  in  Oregon,  "  farther  negotiation  will  build  up  a  peaceful 
monument"  between  the  two  countries. 

Are  the  people  prepared  for  this  sacrifice?  Is  it  supposed  that  the  West 
is  so  blind  to  its  true  interest,  that  it  will  be  satisfied  with  such  bargain  as 
tills?  Does  the  Administration  feel  authorized  thus  to  traffic  with  the  la- 
bor, the  industry,  the  business,  the  welfare,  and  prosperity  of  the  country? 
If  it  docs,  allow  me,  sir,  to  predict  that  there  is  a  day  coming,  and  it  is  not 
distant,  of  fearful  retribution  to  the  plotters  and  conductors  of  this  political 
iniquity. 

In  regard  to  the  form,  in  which  this  notice  shall  be  given,  I  desire,  Mr. 
Chairman,  to  say  a  few  words.  I  prefer,  very  decidedly,  the  proposition  of 
thegenlleman  from  Alabama,  (Mr.  Hilliard.)  This  proposition, if  I  under- 
sand  it,  authorizes  the  President  to  give  the  notice  whenever,  in  his  opinion, 
the  honor  and  welfare  of  the  country  require  it.  This  notice,  if  not  strictly 
part  of  the  treaty-making  power,  is  nearly  allied  to  it.  It  is, at  least,  most 
directly  and  intimately  connected  with  it.  Many  of  our  best  constitutional 
lawyers  consider  it  as  belonging  to  the  treaty-making  power.  They  there- 
fore oppose  the  notice  on  die  ground  that  it  is  not  necessary;  that  the  Presi- 
dent now  has  the  power  to  give  it  provided  he  sees  fit  to  do  so.  Whether 
this  be  true  or  not,  sir,  it  seems  to  me  that  there  is  such  intimacy  of  relation 
between  this  notice  and  the  treaty-making  power,  that  they  ought  not  to  be 
separated;  and  that  the  President  should  be  authorized  to  give  the  notice, 
and  Uien  be  left  to  his  discretion  as  to  the  time  and  manner  of  giving  it. 
It  is  not  diflicult  to  imagine  a  state  of  things  that  might  render  the  giving 
of  this  notice  unnecessary,  if  not  improper,  arising  aj'ter  the  passage  of  the 
resolution  here,  or  if  existing  bej'ore,  being  entirely  unknown  to  this  House 
when  the  resolution  was  passed.  We  do  not  know  what  may  be  the  present 
state  and  condition  of  the  negotiation.  We  did  not  know,  except  by  rumor, 
that  negotiations  had  been  resumed,  until  that  fact  was  announced  on  this 
tloor  to-day,  by  the  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations,  (Mr. 
Ingeusoll,)  in  answer  to  the  entjuiry  of  the  gentleman  from  Tennessee, 


(Mr.  Ge: 
ution  ? 
abortive ' 

lice?  ^^ 

IS  one,  si 
the  treat 
proper  li 
the  subj( 
interests 
course , 
power  ai 
(Mr.  Ti 
Presider 
But  tl 
to  give 
tion;  or 
visable  t 
notice, 
dition  w 
less  the 
It  see 
He  has 
in  an  ofl 
in  his  h 
we  can 
negotiat 
between 
per  mitt  i 
ought  t( 
our  best 


low  before 
ape  which 
en  alluded 
II  as  to  thft 
n  imposes 

le  Loudon 

minent  to 

1  submit  it 

le  f o  hope , 

ample  re- 

a  peacefui 

nations.'''' 

iiderstood  ; 

g  English 

gon  worth 

shape"  of 

vv  national 

Then, 

ognition  of 

a  peaceful 

,  the  West 
bargain  as 
ith  l!ie  la- 
e  country? 
tid  it  is  not 
lis  political 

iesire,  Mr. 
position  of 
if  I  under- 
lis  opinion, 
not  strictly 
least,  most 
istitutional 
hey  there- 
the  Presi- 
Whcther 
of  relation 
not  to  be 
Jie  notice, 
giving  it. 
he  giving 
ige  of  (he 
his  House 
lie  present 
b}'^  rumor, 
id  on  this 
ions,  (Mr. 
^eniiessee, 


13 

(Mr.  Gentry.)  Who,  then,  knows  what  is  the  present  state  of  the  negoti- 
tition  ?  Who  can  inform  us  whether  it  is  likely  to  prove  successful  or 
abortive  ?  Who  can  tell  whether  it  be  such  as  to  require  or  forbid  the  no- 
tice? Who  can  answer  these  questions  so  well,  at  least,  as  the  President? 
!None,sir;  and,  therefore,  as  this  is  a  measure  so  directly  connected  with 
the  treaty- ma  king  power,  and  as  no  one  can  judge  so  well  when  is  the 
proper  (ime  to  give  the  notice  as  he  who  knows  all  the  facts  connected  with 
the  subject,  I  would  leave  the  President  to  give  it  whenever  he  thinks  the 
interests  of  the  country  require  it  to  be  given.  I  do  not  look  upon  this 
course,  sir,  as  giving  power  to  the  President.  I  do  not  favor  the  one-man 
power  any  more  than  does  my  colleague  on  the  other  side  of  the  House, 
(Mr.  Thlrman.)  1  desire  to  see  the  power  and  the  patronage,  too,  of  the 
President  diminished,  rather  than  increased. 

But  the  question  is  this:  Shall  we  make  it  imperative  on  the  Executive 
to  give  this  notice,  ignorant  as  we  are  of  the  present  posture  of  the  negotia- 
tion; or  shall  we  say;  you  may  give  this  notice  whenever  you  think  it  is  ad- 
visable to  do  so  ?  In  either  case,  we  confer  on  him  \.\\q  poicer  to  give  the 
notice.  In  one  event,  we  make  it  necessary  for  him  to  give  it,  be  our  con- 
dition what  it  may;  in  the  other,  we  do  not  require  him  to  do  the  act  un- 
less the  honor  of  the  country  demands  it. 

It  seems  to  me,  sir,  that  the  President  should  stand  in  this  last  attitude. 
He  has  brought  this  question  before  the  country;  he  has  given  to  the  v/orld, 
in  an  official  form,  his  opinion  in  regard  to  the  title;  the  negotiation  is  now 
in  his  hands;  he  has  asked  Congress  for  this  power;  he  knows,  better  than 
we  can  know,  the  prospect  of  a  friendly  or  angry  termination  of  the  present 
negotiation;  he  can,  if  he  chooses,  in  defiance  of  us,  provoke  hostilities 
between  the  two  countries  in  regard  to  this  question.  I  am,  therefore,  for 
permitting  the  responsibiUty  to  remain  where  i:  now  is— where  1  think  it 
ought  to  be.  I  will  leave  the  President  unrestrained,  and  free  to  act  for 
our  best  interests;  and  then,  before  God  and  the  country,  I  will  hold  him 
responsible  for  his  conduct. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  cannot  consent  to  close  these  observations  without  re- 
ferring to  a  remark  which  I  have  heard  during  this  debate,  and  which  gave 
me  surprise,  regret,  and  astonishment.  It  has  been  said,  sir,  that  the  North 
go  for  this  notice,  and  are  in  favor  of  Oregon  upon  sectional  grounds,  and 
with  sectional  feelings;  that  we  wish  to  extend  our  population,  territory ;> 
and  power;  and,  therefore,  that  we  make  this  our  question.  It  is  my  pur- 
pose and  design  to  deny  and  repel  this  charge  made  against  the  North  of 
being  sectional,  and  feeling  hostile  to  the  interests  and  institutions  of  the 
South.  There  is  no  desire  in  the  North  to  disturb  the  rights  which  have 
been  granted,  or  which  belong,  to  any  poition  of  this  Union. 

The  North  is  a  law-loving,  law-abiding  community.  The  people  of  the 
North  desire  to  see  the  laws  everywhere  faithfully  executed,  and  the  rights 
of  every  part  of  the  Union  fully  maintained.  Governing  themselves  by  this 
rule,  they  draw  no  line  of  partition  from  east  to  west,  or  from  north  ta 
south;  tliey  have  no  sectional  patriotism;  they  know  but  one  country  in 
which  they  are  interested ,  and  that ,  the  Union .  By  diis,  sir ,  they  understand 
the  entire  Union,  and  all  its  parts,  including  every  segment  in  this  great 
and  glorious  circle  of  our  Confederacy.  I  deny  the  charge,  then,  that  the 
North  is  sectional.  I  cast  it  bnck,  for  it  is  unjust,  as  against  my  constitu- 
ents .     But ,  sir ,  shall  we  be  accused  of  local ,  sectional  feelingS;  in  the  North? 


u 

I  would  not  otherwise  have  done  so,  but  I  will  now  call  upon  the  South  to 
answer,  Who  is  most  subject  to  this  accusation?  If  it  be  the  North,  let  her 
endure  it.  If  it  be  the  South,  then  let  the  South  answer  for  her  own  con- 
duct before  she  arraigns  others  at  the  bar  of  public  opinion. 

I  was  not  a  member  of  (his  House  during  the  last  session  of  Congress.  I 
did  not  hear  the  debate  as  it  occurred  on  this  tloor  upon  the  exciting  and  ab- 
sorbing topic  of  the  session;  but  after  hearing  my  portion  of  the  country 
traduced  by  this  accusation  of  being  sectional,  and  of  acting  under  the  influ- 
ence of  such  unworthy  motives,  I  concluded  to  refer  to  the  debates,  and  see 
what  had  been  said,  during  the  discussion  of  the  Texas  resolution,  by  gen- 
tlemen who  come  from  the  South.  I  have  made  this  examination,  and  I 
find  the  record  more  than  sustains  my  recollection.  I  am  surprised,  after 
finding  such  declarations  as  were  then  made  by  distinguished  gendemen 
from  the  South,  who  stand  so  high  before  the  country,  that  this  charge  of 
being  sectional  should  now  be  brought  forward  against  the  North.  Why. 
sir,  the  gentleman  from  South  Carolina  (Mr.  Holmes)  spoke  upon  the  sub- 
ject, and  on  the  occasion  to  which  I  have  alluded;  and  I  beg  leave  to  call 
the  attention  of  the  committee  and  the  country  to  some  passage?  from  his 
published  speech.     Here  they  are: 

"  Let  tlic  South  look  to  it.  Ho  warned  them  th«t  if  tlie  aren  of  Routliorn  interest  and  South- 
ern growth  was  to  be  tlius  circumscribed,  wliiie  the  area  for  Northern  expansion  was  stretched 
beyond  the  Rocky  Mountains,  until  the  Western  hunter  and  the  Northern  emigrant  should  lave 
their  weary  limbs  in  the  waters  of  the  calm  Pacific,  the  Soutli  would  indeed  be  wretched." 

Again : 

"his  7»'/  time  for  the  South  to  pause,  to  temporize,  to  compromise.  Tlie  time  for  sq/e  concession  has 
gone  by ;  opinions  are  arrayed ;  tlie  South  must  imet  the  crisis ;   Texas  is  the  stake— 

.    .  ,  "  Here  must  we  stand. 

And  breast  us  to  the  shock." 

These  are  Southern  sentiments,  spoken  by  a  Southern  gentlemen,  utter- 
ed in  this  Hall  less  than  twelve  months  since. 

This  speech  deprecates  the  power  of  the  North  to  expand  to  the  Pacific, 
"while  Southern  growth  was  circumscribed.  It  declares  that  it  was  then  no 
*jme  for  the  South  to  joawse — that  the  South  must  meet  the  crisis,  for  Texas 
was  the  stake.  Well,  sir,  the  crisis  was  met,  and  the  stake  was  won;  and 
the  result  is,  the  extension  of  Southern  interests,  and  the  perpetuation  of 
slavery,  I  fear.  I  do  not  pause,  however,  to  look  at  the  manner  in  which 
the  "stake"  was  won,  nor  to  anticipate  the  consequences  that  are  to  follow. 
I  would,  for  the  sake  of  my  country's  honor,  if  it  were  in  my  power,  throw 
the  mantle  of  oblivion  over  the  deed  itself,  and  the  mode  of  its  consumma- 
tion; and  I  hope  Heaven  may  aveit  the  consequences  which  I  have  ever 
feared  would  follow  in  the  train  of  this  event. 

But,  Mr.  Chairman,  in  the  face  of  these  things,  still  fresh  and  green  in 
the  recollection  of  all,  it  is  impossible  for  me  to  hear,  without  rebuking  its 
author,  this  charge  against  the  North  of  being  sectional.  I  throw  it  back. 
If  it  applies  to  any  party,  or  any  portion  of  the  country,  it  is  not  applicable 
to  me,  or  my  political  friends.  I  will  add,  however,  sir,  in  conclusion, that 
after  this  strange  avowal,  to  which  I  have  just  alluded,  coming  from  the 
high  source  that  it  did,  I  feel  that  I  may  say,  "  it  is  no  time  lor  the  North 
to  pause  or  to  temporize — opinions  are  arrayed,  and  we  must  meet  the  cri- 
sis."    Oregon  is  the  stake.  ,..\.     .        =     •       :t      . 

'  .1  '•■f.  f     i'  "  Here  must  we  stand,  '  •  .'    '< 

And  breast  us  to  the  shock." 


I 


15 


lie  South  to 
)ith ,  let  her 
r  own  con- 

/ongress.  I 
ing  and  ab- 
he  cojintry 
ei  the  influ- 
tcs,  and  see 
an,  by  gen- 
tion,  and  I 
rised,  after 
gentlemen 
i  charge  of 
th.  Why, 
ion  the  sub- 
eave  to  call 
?  from  his 


'St  and  Soutli- 
was  stretched 
nt  should  lave 
etched." 


concession  has 


nen,  utter- 


I  do  not  desire,  however,  in  making  this  quotation,  to  be  understood 
as  adopting  or  approbating  the  sectional  sentiments  which  are  conveyed — 
far  from  it.  I  predicate  my  action  upon  no  such  dangerous  basis.  I  am 
in  favor  of  our  claim  to  Oregon,  so  far  as  it  is  jttst,  no  farther.  To  this 
extent,  1  am  for  asserting  and  maintaining  our  claim,  under  all  circumstan- 
ces, and  at  all  hazards — preferring  peace  always,  but  risking  var  rather  than 
yield  our  soil . 

Mr.  Chairman,  after  the  open  and  undisguised  avowal  to  which  I  have 
alluded,  that  this  Republic  must  acquire  territory  in  order  to  preserve  and 
perpetuate  the  institution  of  slavery,  is  it  not  time  for  us  all  to  pause  and 
think?  Certainly  it  is  time  for  the  free  States,  and  the//eewen  who  inhabit 
those  States,  to  lay  aside  all  minor  differences  of  opinion,  and  agree,  at  least 
in  resisting  these  open  encroachments  upon  the  laws  and  Constitution.  Let 
us  have  the  courage  to  call  for  the  constitutional  power  to  make  acquisitions 
for  the  object  and  purpose  here  avowed.  For  myself,  sir,  I  most  solemnly 
declare,  that  I  am  always  ready  to  use  what  little  of  ability  it  has  pleased 
the  Almighty  to  bestow  upon  me  in  preserving  the  fexternal  and  domestic 
peace  of  the  nation,  and  in  maintaining  inviolate  and  sacred  all  the  rights 
secured  by  the  laws  and  Constitution  to  any  State,  or  any  individual  in  this 
Union;  and  I  am  equally  ready  to  resist,  and  prevent,  if  possible,  all  at- 
tempts of  any  section  or  interest  to  encroach  upon  the  Constitution  and  laws 
of  the  country,  whether  such  attempt  be  made  in  order  to  "extend  the  area" 
of  slavery,  or  for  the  purpose  of  giving  preponderance  to  that  institution  in 
the  counsels  of  this  Confederacy . 
I  •  • 

Note. — This  speech  was  delivered  before  the  recent  correspondence  be- 
tween the  two  Governments,  on  the  subject  of  submitting  the  Oregon  con- 
troversy to  arbitration ,  was  communicated  lo  the  House  by  the  President. 


he  Pacific, 

as  then  no 

for  Texas 

won;  and 

iluation  of 

r  in  which 

lo  follow. 

ver,  throw 

onsumma- 

have  ever 


1 


d  green  in 
:buking  its 
w  it  back, 
applicable 
usion,that 
y  from  the 
the  North 
iel  the  cri- 


